The Black Death and Its Effect on the Change in Medicine - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 8 Words: 2508 Downloads: 9 Date added: 2019/07/03 Category History Essay Level High school Tags: Black Death Essay Did you like this example? Historians have argued if the Black Death in the 13th century advanced science and medicine or if it was just a terrible plague that wiped out most of the European population. The Black Death did in fact bring many discoveries to most of Europe. The aftermath of the plague led to advancements of medications and swayed everyone from their hardcore beliefs. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "The Black Death and Its Effect on the Change in Medicine" essay for you Create order Medical practices went from being theoretical, based on their theories of the human body, to being more based on evidence which was gained through experience from prior patients. The questions I want to answer in this paper are: why did it took so long to find a cure for the plague? Was the disease difficult to understand in general? Lastly, did other theories hold up to Galens? It all started in 1347, the time of the century where the people of Europe could not think it could be any worse. Slightly before this time, in 1316-1317, the people were already suffering from a famine due to volcanic eruptions which blocked out the sun. Later, came the cooling process as it rained too much for crops to grow. Families have doubled size roughly between 1000 and 1300s and there simply was not enough food to feed the people of Europe. It wasnt until 1347 when the Black Death, also known as the bubonic plague, was brought back by ship from Kaffa to the islands of Sicily. Kaffa was a Genoese trading center along the Black Sea, but, in 1346, the Huns were trying to take over the trade routes. This however, had allowed the Huns to become the victim of the plague. This caused at least 5 million deaths in China which caused the Huns to dump the bodies into Kaffa. This lead them into thinking it would cause the end of the plague but, unfortunately, the infected fleas will jump to different host bodies after the death of their original host body. This plague was then also brought to other European countries and it spread north. Everyone was equally harmed by this disease meaning, not only did this disease affect those who were poor, but also those who were rich. At this point, the people have been forgetting the proper burial and would be thrown into a mass grave. By 1350, with an exception to few, all of Europes trading routes were devastated by the disease (Sayre 443). Not only did the Black Death plague break out once, but also again in 1363, 1388-90, and 1400. Keep in mind these people were already suffering from lack of a supplementary food supply and their bodies were already severely weakened. The European people and those around them had not experienced a pandemic to the level of the Black Death in a quincentenary, and the plagues re-visitation in the 1400s was viewed as completely unparalleled. Therefore, the European people and those around them had no remembered period of time or an event to which they could turn to for guidance and stability. There was no past epidemic similar to the plague, meaning, they didnt have any historical time period to look back to. I believe that epidemic disease and environmental crisis were the most important factors in shaping European history in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. I think that many, if not most, specialists agree with me (Gottfried). Not only was the plague one of the biggest periods in European history, but it would later spark a revolution in the medical field. Galens theories were highly believed during this time, and he had created a medicine that could help with the plague. Theriac was one of the most popular plague medicines that he created. However, this medicine was not as easy as you would think to get. That medicine alone, simply contained 80 different ingredients. Physicians responsibility was the prevention of disease and to maintain and promote good health. The belief was that the disease was an imbalance of the four humors. Dry and cold in the humoral schema, such foodstuffs could engender the type of humors suitable to corroding and overcoming the pestilential poison, itself hot and moist. (Fabbri 250). Medicines in this time typically fell between three categories, purgatives, cordials, and antidotes. Puratives would cleanse the perfluous humors, Cordials strengthened the heart, brain, and liver, and antidotes neuralized poisons. Theriac was originally made for poisonous snake bites and was believed to be supremely effective against poison. Opium was one of the most significant simple ingredients contained in Theriac. This medicine was actually formed from one of the best medications, mithridatium, which was derived from Mithridates, King of Pontus (120-63 BC), and later, Andromachus the Elder added viper flesh into the recipe which increased the proportion of opium (Fabbri 254). It had been noted that when theriac was fresh, it constipated the bowels, for it contained opium and other constrictives; this effect was thought to be due to insufficient aging (Fabbri 255). Although it was considered the best form of medicine at the time, it took 10 years to sit and reach its true form. The advent of the Black Death provided ample opportunity to make use of the expanded pharmacopoeias of Arabic tradition, which had replaced many of the early monastic recipe books (Fabbri 262). What Fabbri is referring to is that the black Death allowed for the older recipes for medicine to be changed to a newer Arabian tradition of medicine a nd newer recipes were available in texts. Translations of Arabic pharmacopoeias, a book containing a list of medicinal drugs with directions on how to use them and their effects, were based on Greek, Persian, and Arabic terms (Fabbri 249). These were often but transliterations; this was more like a glossary or a lists of synonyms that were helpful, but without universal scientific criteria, linguistic, geographic, or functional confusion was easy. Moreover, their use of multiple types of preparations and routes of administration was further evidence of their pharmacologic expertise (Fabbri 269). Historians that went into pharmacology would try to avoid studying about medicaments during this time frame due to prejudices against ineffective therapies. It was difficult for the people of Europe to believe in this medication since so many people were dying from it still. However, many still believed its effectiveness since it took away quite a few symptoms of the plague. The effect of theriac on reported plague symptoms is difficult to assess. Multiple ingredients, together with lack of standardization and disputes about proper constituents, as well as possible chemical interactions, make this a challenging, if not impossible, task (Fabbri 267). Even with some of the backlash on the medication, Theriac was still a main source of medicine, but it wasnt the only form of treatment. There was philonium magnum, requies magna, and athanasia which were also treatments for the plague at the time (Fabbri 273). These were similar to Theriac in a way because they did the same purpose such as sedatives, used to prevents symptoms of the plague, and acted similar to muscle relaxers. This was also due to the amount of ways that Theriac was given. Theriac and theriac-like opiates were not only given in oral form as electuaries and syrups, but also in rectal, topical, transmucosal, and inhalable preparations (Fabbri 269). The difference between these and Theriac was that since Theriacs main ingredient was opioids, it solved acute pains. Theriac was not only used in the 1300s but was used up until late 1800s. The German pharmacopoeia still used Theriac until 1872 and 1884 edition of the Pharmacopee fran? §faise (Fabbri 280). Now, although in this time historic medical practices were still an uproar, there was still some practices that had to be constricted such as bloodletting. Bloodletting was used to balance out the four humors when one was off. This procedure was used as a cultural practice but precludes the physiologic elements because it was considered a magical belief. During this time period, physicians had an opportunity to succeed, gain credibility, and rein prestige over other physicians for immersing themselves into their profession and finding a cure to the devastating plague. However, they could to fail miserably and lose their credibility as an efficient medical practitioners, and ultimately lose their prestige throughout society. As a result to this competition against other physicians, they needed to act quickly, even if not directly with patients, in response to the plague, and had to do so in ways that preserve and secure their position in society. Few physicians responded by writing ample number of plague tractates, where they detailed the causes of the Black Death, how it could be prevented, and even, cures or ways in which to assuage the effects of the plague. Also, physicians wrote about the necessary preventative measures. Physicians warned the people to stay in the dry air with no corrupting vapors. These tractates also included on how to bathe and what your diet should be to prevent the plague. It is represented in the kinds of writings that physicians wrote across Europe which attempted to explain the Black Death and provide the solutions to it. Early tractates were typically concerned about the plagues causation and precautions against it. The cause and disease prevention were the main subjects of speculative medicine. As such, physicians educated in such departments gravitated toward the information and analyzed the teachings, and commented upon from earlier authorities who they studied from. Work of Hippocrates and other accepted authorities did not provide the information for medieval physicians on how to fight against an epidemic as big as the Black Death had become. Their work did not prepare newer physicians for the task they had in front of them. Galens Theriac was the closest they had to a remedy however, it did not cure the plague. New remedies had to be developed quickly. The problem was that even though the most outstanding physicians and surgeons were still learning, these new remedies had be based in practical experiences with plague victims. The process of this having to learn new ways to combat this plague began in the early years of the Black Death and continued to evolve throughout the fifteenth century. Initially, the tractates seem to have been a way to assert dominance in physicians of learned medicine. The inability to adequately serve the European populations in time of plague caused a preference for physicians to write advocating practical measures for combating the plague instead of just explaining it. Physicians had always had access to the observations of plague victims which means they had plenty of opportunity for discovering the best ways to care for the victims. However, it is evident that, despite the progress made, plague is still a deadly disease. While modern scientific knowledge has generally enhanced our understanding of the medical world of the past, in the case of the plague it has been a hindrance (Clouse). Thus, they continued interest in finding its treatment and sharing the findings through writing, which remained an important pursuit well after the Black Death itself. It wasnt until mid 1800s, after the most recent breakout of the plague, for an actual cure for the Black Death was found in China. Researchers isolated that the Black death was actually a rod shaped bacillus that was responsible. It was found that Yersinia pestis was the cause of the plague and found that rats also showed plague symptoms that were similar to people, and those who were infected typically had flea bites. The big question is why did it take so long to find a cure? Overall, the first step was finding a cause of the cure before curing the plague. It took hundreds of years to find what caused the plague since nobody exactly knew how it was started. They found ways of dealing with the symptoms, but besides curing the symptoms, it was difficult to find the true cause. Once the cause of the Black Death is found, they next have to find a treatment that actually will work against that specific cause. Then, they have to test their cure in isolated areas to determine if it would actually work. Today, there would be an extra step and make sure the drug is safe to use through phases of drug testing. Back then there wasnt processes such as this To this day, the plague is still around but due to research based on past experiences we were able to safely prescribe a medication to patients. It wasnt until mid 1800s when the cure for the plague was found, in accordance, the law was passed for prescription drugs to become legal. The legalization of prescription drugs allows for people to quickly solve a medical problem that they have without intense medical treatment. Prescriptions come in multiple different forms. Modern medicine has, indeed, similarly perfected inhalable, oral, transdermal, and transmucosal sustained release preparations for a variety of drugs, including narcotic analgesics. This allows variability for patients and gives their input, as well as their doctors, to choose what is best for that person. Not only did the Black Death allow for medication advances but also hospitals. The Black death revolutionized hospitals similar to how they are today. Hospitals use to be a place of hospitality rather than a place where you seek medical attention. When disease was based on the four humors, doctors would send them off with a way to cure it themselves. In a hospital, it is more relevant to be the one being helped rather than helping yourself. The Black death helped the European people realize that the four humors were not the fault of cause of disease anymore. People started realizing that the four humors being out of balance was just too wild of a theory for the cause of the plague. With the amount of people that were being affected by this disease, it was later introduced that contagion was the real concern. Contagion introduced the concept of quarantine and the importance of it for the concern of the public health. Quarantine may sound like an intense punishment however, it was one of the most successful ways of controlling the spread of the plague. When scientists do not have an effective cure, isolating the disease for the safety of the publics health is the best option. We find cases similar to this still in modern history. Ebola was a similar breakout and it shows us the fear that European people went through while facing the plague. The United States took actions of quarantine since we understood the concept of co ntagion. The Governments best option was to quarantine the infected until a cure could be found. In conclusion, the Black Death was an not only a devastating event in history but also one of the most beneficial. The impact on the medical field has developed the gifts we were given today through our health care system. While the Black Death was taking place, Galens medical knowledge led them into the right direction, but eventually allowed for us to learn from his knowledge. The results of the plague were devastating but was a push for the health system to find cures as well as advance its teachings and medical practices.

Analysis Of Kehinde Wiley s Large Scale, Brightly Colored

Kehinde Wiley’s large-scale, brightly colored, highly patterned portraits of African American subjects are a salute to traditional portraiture as well as a critique of the art historical focus on the privileged male Caucasian. The artist scouts out ordinary black men of ages 18 to 25 from urban settings to copy poses from works by master Western painters like Titian and Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres. The photographs of their poses become Wiley’s references for his enormous, dazzlingly vibrant portraits. The extreme realism of the figure combined with intense color use, decorative patterning, and larger-than-life scale all emphasize the extravagant grandeur of power and male dominance. Wiley has radically shifted the paradigm to make a contemporary statement about the long absence of the black male figure in historical portraiture. Wiley was born in 1977 in crime-laden South Central, Los Angeles, and was enrolled in weekend art classes at California State, Los Angeles, by his mother to keep him away from neighborhood dangers. He later received his bachelor’s degree in 1999 at the San Francisco Art Institute, and then a master’s degree in 2001 at Yale. His first artist residency at the Studio Museum in Harlem began his practice of street casting black men with attitudes of self-confidence. The casting for his work has spread internationally with his latest body of paintings, The World Stage, to locations such as China, Lagos and Dakar, Brazil, India and Sri Lanka, Israel,

Financial Instability Essay Example For Students

Financial Instability Essay The soaring volume of international finance and increasedinterdependence in recent decades has increased concerns about volatility andthreats of a financial crisis. This has led many to investigate and analyze theorigins, transmission, effects and policies aimed to impede financialinstability. This paper argues that financial liberalization and speculationare the most reflective explanations for instability in financial markets andthat financial instability is likely to be transmitted globally with farreaching implications on real sector performance. I conclude the paper with theargument that a global transaction tax would be the most effective policy tocurb financial instability and that other proposed policies, such as targetzones and the creation of a supranational institution, are either unfeasible orunattainable. INSTABILITY IN FINANCIAL MARKETSIn this section I examine four interpretations of how financialinstability arises. The first interpretation deals with speculation and thesubsequent bandwagoning in financial markets. The second is a politicalinterpretation dealing with the declining status of a hegemonic anchor of thefinancial system.The question of whether regulation causes or mitigatesfinancial instability is raised by the third interpretation; while the fourthview deals with the trigger point phenomena. To fully comprehend these interpretations we must first understand anddifferentiate between a currency and contagion crisis. A currency crisisrefers to a situation is which a loss of confidence in a countrys currencyprovokes capital flight. Conversely, a contagion crisis refers to a loss ofconfidence in the assets denominated in a particular currency and the subsequentglobal transmission of this shock. One of the more paramount readings of financial instability pertains tospeculation. Speculation is exhibited in a situation where a governmentmonetary or fiscal policy (or action) leads investors to believe that thecurrency of that particular nation will either appreciate or depreciate in termsrelative to those of other countries. Closely associated with these speculativeattacks is what is coined the bandwagon effect.Say for example, that acountrys central bank decides to undertake an expansionary monetary policy.Aneoclassical interpretation tells us that this will lower the domestic interestrates, thus lowering the rate of return in the foreign exchange market andbringing about a currency depreciation. As investors foresee this happeningthey will likely pull out before the perceived depreciation. Efforts to getout would accelerate the loss of reserves, provoking an earlier collapse,speculators would therefore try to get out still earlier, and so on (Krugman,1991:93). This herding or bandwagon effect naturally cause wild swings inexchange rates and volatility in markets. Another argument for the evolution of financial market instability isclosely related to hegemonic stability theory. This political explanationpredicts a circumstance (i.e. a decline of a hegemons status) in which a lossof confidence in a particular countries currency may lead to capital flightaway from that currency. This flight in turn not only depreciates the currencyof the former hegemon but more importantly undermines its role as theinternational financial anchor and is said to ultimately lead to instability. The trigger point phenomena may also be used as an instrument to explainfinancial instability. Similar to the speculative cycles described above, thisrefers to a situation where a group of investors commits to buy or sell acurrency when that currency reaches a certain price level. If that particularcurrency were to rise or fall to that specified level, whether by real orspeculative reasons, the precommited investors buy or sell that currency orassets. This results in a cascade effect that, like speculative cycles,increases or decreases the value of the currency to remarkably higher or lowerlevels. Country after country has deregulated its financial markets andinstitutions. The neoclassical interpretation asserts that regulation is thoughtto create incentives for risk taking and hence instability. It is said to bringabout what are called moral hazards. Proponents of deregulation argue thatwhen people are insured, they are more apt to take greater risks with theirinvestments in financial markets. The riskier the investment activity, the morevolatile the markets tend to be. A closer look suggests that perhaps only two of these explanations arevalid when thinking about the origins of financial instability. The triggerpoint explanation seems to be a misreading of the origins of instability. It isunlikely that a large number of investors would have the incentive oroperational ability in order to simultaneously coordinate the buying or sellingof a currency or assets denominated in that currency. If even there is suchunlikely coordination, the existence of even a very large group of investorswith trigger points need not create a crisis if other investors know they arethere (Krugman, 1991:96). The theory of hegemonic stability also overlooks a number of factorsthat can provide useful insights in explaining the emergence of financialinstability. Historical precedence supports this assertion. For instance,Britains role as international economic manager was very minor in the stabilityexperienced under the gold standard. The success of the standard can beattributed to endogenous factors such as the self adjusting market mechanism andthe informal discipline maintained by its rules. The destabilization of thegold standard can be attributed to the extreme domestic economic and financialpressures brought on nation states by World War I, and not solely on theindustrial and economic demise of Britain. A valid explanation for the origins of financial instability are thespeculative attacks brought on by investors. Although similar in function totrigger points, these speculative cycles cannot be mitigated simply by purerecognition. Rather than acting on the value of the currency itself,speculators act on occurrences or policies that will alter the value of thecurrency. Instability arises from the fact that these speculative cycles inducecapital flight and therefore a change in the value of that particular currency,whether or not the decisions of these investors are based on market fundamentals. Futures, options, swaps and other financial instruments havegiven investors and speculators an unheard of capacity to leverage financialmarkets. The greater the leverage, the greater the instability (McCallum,1995:12). If we examine the deregulatory process closely, it becomes clear thatthere is a perverse relationship between deregulation and financial stability. Say for example, investors suffer from a profit squeeze. This causes theinvestors to lobby politicians for deregulation. The resulting wave ofderegulation fosters instability and wide swings in exchange rates which in turncause loan defaults and subsequent banking crisis. The resulting financialinstability thus begs calls regulation, likely placing the investors in theoriginal position with an unsolved problem. We can see that the dialectic ofthe regulatory process undermines anticipated stability and will eventually leadto financial instability and collapse. In this environment, there arises callsfor new forms of financial regulation. These policies and proposals are ofcritical importance and will therefore be discussed later in the paper. THE TRANSMISSION AND EFFECTS OF FINANCIAL INSTABILITYThere are three contending albeit interrelated views on how financialinstability may be transmitted globally. These include equity markets,multiplier effects and monetary reverberations. Aaron Burr Treason Trial EssayThe last major policy aimed at quelling financial instability is thecreation of a supranational institution aimed at coordinating financial reformand adopting a system of regulatory supervision. Processing along the lines ofa Bretton Woods architecture, this would in a sense institutionalize the role ofa hegemon with a creation of a common currency for all of the industrialdemocracies and a joint Bank of Issue to determine monetary and financialpolicies (Cooper, 1984:166). This policy proposal endorses the adoption of anglobal financial institution managing the operation of coordinated supervision. Experience shows us that coordinated supervision is not possible ininternational financial markets. For instance, the Basel Concordant was neverable to reach organizational level to properly respond to a crisis. Additionally, the BCCI affair demonstrated the limitations of internationalbank supervision when confronted by unscrupulous operators intent on exploitingthe gaps in national bank supervisory systems (Herring and Litan, 1995:105). Proponents of re-creating a Bretton Woods-type system are unaware of thelessons to be learned from that period. The theoretical brethren of hegemonicstability advocates, proponents of this policy seek too place the direction ofworld monetary policy in the hands of a single country or institution thatwould have great influence over the economic destiny of others (Williamson,1977:37). As seen under the Bretton Woods system the destiny of others was inthe hands of a country that was unable to maintain stability. It is yet to bedemonstrated how an institutional framework would sidestep the same faultlinesand management problems experienced by the United States under the Bretton Woodsregime. The organizational barriers to creating such cooperation andcoordination would be insurmountable. Secondly, whose view would most likely bepresented in the supranational forum? Experience in international organizationsshows us that it will probably be the powerful, industrialized nations. Thevoice and needs of the less developed countries is likely to be marginalized andsituations such as the Latin American debt crisis would continue to occur. When looking at the progress of the European Monetary Union we see thatthe completion of a single market is far too radical for todays internationalfinancial climate. Just as the costs of qualifying for the EMU has become toohigh it becomes unrealistic to hope that the major industrial countries canmake comparable strides toward political much less financial unification inour lifetime (Eichengreen and Tobin, 1995:170). Ideally, the best policy for stemming financial instability andspillover effects would be one that extinguishes the problem at its roots. Ifderegulation in itself causes instability in financial markets, then regulationwould be appealing. Even when the benefits of financial deregulation areapparent, there is a role for regulatory policy that would leave the worldeconomy less vulnerable to financial collapse (Eichengreen and Portes, 1987:51). . If we also hold true the conclusion that the best explanation for financialinstability is speculation, then a global securities transaction tax such as theone proposed by Tobin would be optimal. The discouragement of short termspeculative excursions and the endorsement of long-term investment willeliminate the problem of volatility based on speculative attacks that so oftenstray from market fundamentals.Critics are quite correct when they arguethat the tax could induce financial arbitrage and substitution. However thisproblem would be solved as long as the tax was globally adopted. Secondly, thetax would be applied to goods, services, and financial instruments that had fewor no substitutes. The view that the creation of new government revenues isoverestimated and that Third World countries would carry the financial burden isnullified when we see that a .5 percent tax on exchange transaction wouldaugment government revenues globally by as much as $300 to $400 billion per anumand dev oting merely 10-20 percent of that revenue to a revolving fund forlong-term lending to Third World countries would be a healthy substitute forthe hot money on which some have become disastrously overdependent (McCallum,1995:16). The recognition and ceasing of financial instability and its globaltransmission is becoming more and more universally endorsed. To decide on aprudent and practical policy will prove to be a major hurdle of internationalfinancial leaders around the world. However, if we look closely, we will findthe locus of instability in financial markets to be deregulation and speculativeattacks. Government and central bankers can no longer adopt an attitude of benign neglect toward international financial instability as it becomesincreasingly apparent that there are far reaching consequences on real sectors. We can see that there is one policy that supersedes the rest. If the worldfinancial system hopes to curb these real sector ramifications of speculativeattacks and financial liberalization, then it becomes indisputable that the STTis an idea whose time has come. BIBLIOGRAPHYRichard N. Cooper, A Monetary System for the Future Foreign Affairs Fall,1984. Barry Eichengreen and Richard Portes, The Anatomy of Financial Crisis, inRichardPortes and Alexander Swoboda, Threats to International FinancialStability,(Cambridege University Press, 1987). Barry Eichengreen, James Tobin and Charles Wyplosz, Two Cases for Sand in theWhellsof International Finance Economic Journal, 1995. Jacob Frenkel, The International Monetary System: Should It Be Reformed inPhilipKing, editor, International Economics and International Economic Policy(McGraw-Hill,1990). Ilene Grabel, Crossing Borders: A Case for Cooperation in InternationalFinancialMarkets, in Gerald Epstein, Julie Graham, Jessica Nembard (eds.),Creating aNew World Economy: Forces of Change and Plans of Action (TempleUniversityPress, 1993). Charles Hakkio, Should we Throw Sand in the Gears of Financial Markets?FederalReserve Bank of Kansas City Economic Review, 1994. Richard Herring and Robert Litan, Financial Regulation in the Global Economy(Brookings Institution, 1995). Ethan Kapstein, Shockproof: The End of Financial Crisis Foreign Affairs,January/February 1996. Charles P. Kindleberger, The World in Depression (London: Penguin 1973). Paul Krugman, International Aspects of Financial Crises in Martin Feldstein,ed., TheRisk of Economic Crisis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). John McCallum, Managers and Unstable Financial Markets Business QuarterlyJanuary1, 1995. James Tobin, A proposal for international monetary reform Eastern EconomicJournal1978, volume 4. John Williamson, The Failure of World Monetary Reform 1971-1974) (NY:NYU Press,1977)L.B. Yeager, International Monetary Relations: Theory, History, and Policy 1976. . Category: Business

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